青島希尼爾翻譯公司（m.shreekrishnajewellers.com）整理發(fā)布2016-03-10

希尼爾翻譯公司（m.shreekrishnajewellers.com）2016年3月10日了解到：On Tuesday, in what is becoming a routine occurrence in this election year, Donald Trump cleaned up primary contests in all but four of the 11 US states in contention. And after months of living in denial, Republicans are grappling with the notion that the New York property mogul cum reality television star might win their party’s nomination.

周二，唐納德?特朗普(Donald Trump)在美國(guó)舉行初選的11個(gè)州中的7個(gè)州碾壓對(duì)手，這已成為本選舉年的常態(tài)。在數(shù)月自欺欺人之后，共和黨人不得不努力面對(duì)一種看法，即這位紐約地產(chǎn)大亨兼電視真人秀明星可能贏得本黨提名。

Reactions from what Mr Trump likes to label “the establishment” range from dutiful acceptance of the “will of the people” to fervent pledges to oppose him, either by voting for Hillary Clinton or for a candidate from a third party. What is the right call for Republicans?

特朗普喜歡稱之為“建制派”的那些共和黨人反應(yīng)各有不同，有的順從地接受“人民的意志”，有的信誓旦旦地反對(duì)他，不是投票給希拉里?克林頓(Hillary Clinton)，就是投票支持第三個(gè)黨派的競(jìng)選人。共和黨的正確反應(yīng)是什么？

The question is, by its nature, a personal one. In the US, asking people to say who they voted for or telling them how to vote is not the done thing. Even newspaper endorsements are couched as “our choice” rather than an exhortation to vote for a particular candidate. Nor are most Americans party line voters. The people who will decide this election are not hardcore Republicans or Democrats. Many care about ideas; others nurture a sense that the government no longer cares about them. I feel the same way.

就其本質(zhì)來(lái)說(shuō)，這是個(gè)私人問(wèn)題。在美國(guó)，讓人們透露投票支持誰(shuí)或者告訴他們?nèi)绾瓮镀笔遣欢Y貌的行為。甚至，報(bào)紙會(huì)稱所支持的候選人為“我們的選擇”，而不會(huì)勸說(shuō)讀者投票給某位候選人。大多數(shù)人美國(guó)人也不是忠誠(chéng)擁護(hù)某一政黨政策的選民。決定此次選舉的人不是共和黨或者民主黨的核心人士。許多人關(guān)心理念；其他人則慢慢覺(jué)得美國(guó)政府不再關(guān)心他們。我也是這么認(rèn)為的。

As an immigrant who first voted in 1992, standing at the ballot box still fills me with pride and amazement at my good fortune. I am also a Republican, but that is a coincidence of ideology not a matter of party loyalty. The things I believe in — individual freedom, small government, US global leadership — are moral rather than political choices. The people who share my views have tended to be Republicans but not always. When I vote, foreign policy is the deciding factor in my choice. That is the prism through which Mrs Clinton’s candidacy ought to be judged.

作為一個(gè)在1992年首次投票的移民，站在投票箱前仍讓我對(duì)自己的幸運(yùn)感到自豪和驚嘆。我也是一名共和黨人，但這是因?yàn)槲业囊庾R(shí)形態(tài)正好與共和黨一致，并非是忠誠(chéng)于共和黨。我信仰的東西——個(gè)人自由、小政府、美國(guó)全球領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力——是道德而非政治上的選擇。和我持相同觀點(diǎn)的人往往是共和黨人，但也并非全都是。當(dāng)我投票的時(shí)候，外交政策是個(gè)決定性因素。我們應(yīng)該從這個(gè)視角評(píng)判希拉里的候選人資格。

There will be some Republicans who will vote for Mrs Clinton, not on the merits, but simply because she is not Mr Trump. But it is more important to judge the former secretary of state on her record. She was an unremarkable senator, seemingly ungrounded in any particular set of convictions. As secretary of state she had a record that is at best feckless.

一些共和黨人將會(huì)投票支持希拉里，這不是因?yàn)樗膬?yōu)點(diǎn)，而只是因?yàn)樗皇翘乩势?。但更重要的是，要從其過(guò)往記錄評(píng)判這位美國(guó)前國(guó)務(wù)卿。希拉里在擔(dān)任參議員時(shí)表現(xiàn)平平，任何觀點(diǎn)似乎都沒(méi)有依據(jù)。作為美國(guó)國(guó)務(wù)卿，她的記錄能得到的最高評(píng)價(jià)也只能是平庸。

She has been attacked by Republicans for her role in the Benghazi debacle in 2012, in which Christopher Stevens, the US ambassador to Libya, was killed. But her graver sin was to support the overthrow of Muammer Gaddafi and then stay silent on the question of how to stabilise Libya in the aftermath.

希拉里由于在2012年班加西襲擊事件中的角色而遭受共和黨人的抨擊——當(dāng)時(shí)美國(guó)駐利比亞大使克里斯托弗?史蒂文斯(Christopher Stevens)在班加西遇襲身亡。但她的更為嚴(yán)重的錯(cuò)誤是支持推翻穆阿邁爾?卡扎菲(Muammer Gaddafi)，隨后卻在如何穩(wěn)定利比亞局勢(shì)的問(wèn)題上保持沉默。

Even more troubling, her evasiveness about the activities of the Clinton Foundation and her use of a private email server while secretary of state, among other things, mean we cannot assume that anything she says now will be the case if and when she is resident in the White House.

更令人擔(dān)憂的是，她對(duì)克林頓基金會(huì)(Clinton Foundation)的活動(dòng)含糊其辭、在擔(dān)任國(guó)務(wù)卿期間使用私人電郵服務(wù)器、以及其他一些事情意味著，我們不能假定，如果她真的入主白宮，她現(xiàn)在說(shuō)的任何事情還算數(shù)。

Oddly, this penchant for saying anything is one the likely Democratic candidate shares with Mr Trump. Where does he stand on foreign policy, for example? No one knows. He does not like Muslims but opposes the overthrowing of Middle East dictators such as Syria’s Bashar al-Assad. He says he would deport 11m illegal aliens. Apologists insist a President Trump would be limited by America’s constitutional checks and balances, and rendered incapable of carrying out his more radical plans. This is meant to be reassuring.

奇怪的是，特朗普與這位可能的民主黨提名總統(tǒng)候選人都有這種信口開河的嗜好。例如，特朗普的外交政策立場(chǎng)是什么？沒(méi)有人知道。他不喜歡穆斯林，但反對(duì)推翻敘利亞的巴沙爾?阿薩德(Bashar al-Assad)等中東地區(qū)的獨(dú)裁者。他說(shuō)，他將驅(qū)逐1100萬(wàn)非法移民。為他辯解的人堅(jiān)稱，特朗普如果當(dāng)選總統(tǒng)，將受到美國(guó)憲法的制衡，無(wú)法實(shí)施其更激進(jìn)的計(jì)劃。這種說(shuō)法只是安撫人。

And so America has come to a pretty pass, pitting a woman who is anathema to many against a man who reminds us of Benito Mussolini. Are we not better than this? I would hope so. Many Republicans will never vote for Mrs Clinton; more importantly for the party of Abraham Lincoln, they will never vote for Mr Trump. Libertarians, constitutionalists, small “d” democrats, minorities and many more are ready to fight for the soul of their movement. And if the Republican party no longer embodies that soul, they, like Senator Ben Sasse of Nebraska, will build another one that does.

因此美國(guó)陷入了困境，讓一位許多人憎惡的女性與一位讓我們想起貝尼托?墨索里尼(Benito Mussolini)的男性對(duì)決。難道不能出現(xiàn)更好的情況嗎？我希望能。許多共和黨人永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)投票支持希拉里；對(duì)亞伯拉罕?林肯(Abraham Lincoln)的政黨來(lái)說(shuō)更重要的是，他們將永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)投票支持特朗普。自由派、立憲派、民主派、少數(shù)派以及其他許多人準(zhǔn)備為他們的核心運(yùn)動(dòng)理念戰(zhàn)斗。如果共和黨不再體現(xiàn)他們的核心理念，他們就會(huì)與內(nèi)布拉斯加州的參議員本?薩斯(Ben Sasse)一樣，創(chuàng)建另一個(gè)能夠體現(xiàn)這些理念的黨派。

At a moment when partisan loyalty and party power are at their weakest, it is time to fall back on the ideas and principles that matter. For conservatives, that means finding a candidate able to speak to the anger of voters who rightly feel betrayed by the parties that dominate the body politic. It does not mean compromising our values by opting for Mrs Clinton or Mr Trump.

在政黨忠誠(chéng)度和政黨影響力最為薄弱之際，現(xiàn)在是時(shí)候倚重至關(guān)重要的思想和原則了。對(duì)保守派來(lái)說(shuō)，這意味著找到一個(gè)能夠直言選民憤怒的候選人——這些選民合理地感受到主導(dǎo)著美國(guó)的黨派的背叛。這并不意味著要選擇希拉里或者特朗普，讓我們的價(jià)值觀讓步。

Being an American is more important than being a Republican — or, for that matter, a Democrat. If that means the end of the two-party system, so be it. If it means a brokered convention, I will take it.

身為美國(guó)人比身為共和黨人（或者就此而言是民主黨人）更重要。如果這意味著兩黨制的終結(jié)，那就這樣吧。如果這意味著“協(xié)商會(huì)議”(brokered convention)，我會(huì)接受它。來(lái)源：可可英語(yǔ)